Poll: Racial misgivings of whites an Obama issue

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Denny Crane

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http://www.breitbart.com/print.php?id=D93AIV882&show_article=1

<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" width="100%"><tbody><tr><td style="font-size: 20px; font-weight: bold;" valign="top" width="99%">Poll: Racial misgivings of whites an Obama issue</td> <td rowspan="3" align="right" valign="top"></td> </tr> <tr> <td colspan="2">
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</td> </tr> <tr> <td valign="top" width="99%">Sep 20 01:11 PM US/Eastern
By RON FOURNIER and TREVOR TOMPSON
Associated Press Writers

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</td> </tr> </tbody></table> <!-- date/author end --> <!-- article start --> WASHINGTON (AP) - Deep-seated racial misgivings could cost Barack Obama the White House if the election is close, according to an AP-Yahoo News poll that found one-third of white Democrats harbor negative views toward blacks—many calling them "lazy," "violent" or responsible for their own troubles. The poll, conducted with Stanford University, suggests that the percentage of voters who may turn away from Obama because of his race could easily be larger than the final difference between the candidates in 2004—about 2.5 percentage points.

Certainly, Republican John McCain has his own obstacles: He's an ally of an unpopular president and would be the nation's oldest first-term president. But Obama faces this: 40 percent of all white Americans hold at least a partly negative view toward blacks, and that includes many Democrats and independents.

More than a third of all white Democrats and independents—voters Obama can't win the White House without—agreed with at least one negative adjective about blacks, according to the survey, and they are significantly less likely to vote for Obama than those who don't have such views.

Such numbers are a harsh dose of reality in a campaign for the history books. Obama, the first black candidate with a serious shot at the presidency, accepted the Democratic nomination on the 45th anniversary of Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech, a seminal moment for a nation that enshrined slavery in its Constitution.

"There are a lot fewer bigots than there were 50 years ago, but that doesn't mean there's only a few bigots," said Stanford political scientist Paul Sniderman who helped analyze the exhaustive survey.

The pollsters set out to determine why Obama is locked in a close race with McCain even as the political landscape seems to favor Democrats. President Bush's unpopularity, the Iraq war and a national sense of economic hard times cut against GOP candidates, as does that fact that Democratic voters outnumber Republicans.

The findings suggest that Obama's problem is close to home—among his fellow Democrats, particularly non-Hispanic white voters. Just seven in 10 people who call themselves Democrats support Obama, compared to the 85 percent of self-identified Republicans who back McCain.

The survey also focused on the racial attitudes of independent voters because they are likely to decide the election.

Lots of Republicans harbor prejudices, too, but the survey found they weren't voting against Obama because of his race. Most Republicans wouldn't vote for any Democrat for president—white, black or brown.

Not all whites are prejudiced. Indeed, more whites say good things about blacks than say bad things, the poll shows. And many whites who see blacks in a negative light are still willing or even eager to vote for Obama.

On the other side of the racial question, the Illinois Democrat is drawing almost unanimous support from blacks, the poll shows, though that probably wouldn't be enough to counter the negative effect of some whites' views.

Race is not the biggest factor driving Democrats and independents away from Obama. Doubts about his competency loom even larger, the poll indicates. More than a quarter of all Democrats expressed doubt that Obama can bring about the change they want, and they are likely to vote against him because of that.

Three in 10 of those Democrats who don't trust Obama's change-making credentials say they plan to vote for McCain.

Still, the effects of whites' racial views are apparent in the polling.

Statistical models derived from the poll suggest that Obama's support would be as much as 6 percentage points higher if there were no white racial prejudice.

But in an election without precedent, it's hard to know if such models take into account all the possible factors at play.

The AP-Yahoo poll used the unique methodology of Knowledge Networks, a Menlo Park, Calif., firm that interviews people online after randomly selecting and screening them over telephone. Numerous studies have shown that people are more likely to report embarrassing behavior and unpopular opinions when answering questions on a computer rather than talking to a stranger.

Other techniques used in the poll included recording people's responses to black or white faces flashed on a computer screen, asking participants to rate how well certain adjectives apply to blacks, measuring whether people believe blacks' troubles are their own fault, and simply asking people how much they like or dislike blacks.

"We still don't like black people," said John Clouse, 57, reflecting the sentiments of his pals gathered at a coffee shop in Somerset, Ohio.

Given a choice of several positive and negative adjectives that might describe blacks, 20 percent of all whites said the word "violent" strongly applied. Among other words, 22 percent agreed with "boastful," 29 percent "complaining," 13 percent "lazy" and 11 percent "irresponsible." When asked about positive adjectives, whites were more likely to stay on the fence than give a strongly positive assessment.

Among white Democrats, one-third cited a negative adjective and, of those, 58 percent said they planned to back Obama.

The poll sought to measure latent prejudices among whites by asking about factors contributing to the state of black America. One finding: More than a quarter of white Democrats agree that "if blacks would only try harder, they could be just as well off as whites."

Those who agreed with that statement were much less likely to back Obama than those who didn't.

Among white independents, racial stereotyping is not uncommon. For example, while about 20 percent of independent voters called blacks "intelligent" or "smart," more than one third latched on the adjective "complaining" and 24 percent said blacks were "violent."

Nearly four in 10 white independents agreed that blacks would be better off if they "try harder."

The survey broke ground by incorporating images of black and white faces to measure implicit racial attitudes, or prejudices that are so deeply rooted that people may not realize they have them. That test suggested the incidence of racial prejudice is even higher, with more than half of whites revealing more negative feelings toward blacks than whites.

Researchers used mathematical modeling to sort out the relative impact of a huge swath of variables that might have an impact on people's votes—including race, ideology, party identification, the hunger for change and the sentiments of Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton's backers.

Just 59 percent of her white Democratic supporters said they wanted Obama to be president. Nearly 17 percent of Clinton's white backers plan to vote for McCain.

Among white Democrats, Clinton supporters were nearly twice as likely as Obama backers to say at least one negative adjective described blacks well, a finding that suggests many of her supporters in the primaries—particularly whites with high school education or less—were motivated in part by racial attitudes.

The survey of 2,227 adults was conducted Aug. 27 to Sept. 5. It has a margin of sampling error of plus or minus 2.1 percentage points.
 
It's also likely that people tell pollsters they're voting for Obama because they'd be embarrassed not to say so. Race card.

When Democrats get into the voting booth, they may not come close to voting in the numbers predicted.
 
Luckily for the Democrats, my dislike of black people is overshadowed by my distrust of women in power. FTW
 
It's a disgrace. His race is irrelevant. I'd hoped that we as a nation were well beyond this point.

The findings suggest that Obama's problem is close to home—among his fellow Democrats, particularly non-Hispanic white voters. Just seven in 10 people who call themselves Democrats support Obama, compared to the 85 percent of self-identified Republicans who back McCain.

Given a choice of several positive and negative adjectives that might describe blacks, 20 percent of all whites said the word "violent" strongly applied. Among other words, 22 percent agreed with "boastful," 29 percent "complaining," 13 percent "lazy" and 11 percent "irresponsible." When asked about positive adjectives, whites were more likely to stay on the fence than give a strongly positive assessment.

Among white Democrats, one-third cited a negative adjective and, of those, 58 percent said they planned to back Obama.

The poll sought to measure latent prejudices among whites by asking about factors contributing to the state of black America. One finding: More than a quarter of white Democrats agree that "if blacks would only try harder, they could be just as well off as whites."
 
It's also likely that people tell pollsters they're voting for Obama because they'd be embarrassed not to say so. Race card.

When Democrats get into the voting booth, they may not come close to voting in the numbers predicted.

That's not the case. In the primaries, Barack Obama often underpolled in the pre-election polls. (People are more likely to tell the truth on the phone, while some blacks probably lied about not supporting Obama). While the exit polls consistently overpolled Obama, and made him look more competitive than he actually was in some states. This is where the racism came into play, people who were face to face with a pollster lying.
 
The commentariat's topic du jour is this AP story which cites a study conducted in conjunction with Yahoo!, Knowledge Networks and Stanford University and which reports that "Statistical models derived from the poll suggest that Obama's support would be as much as 6 percentage points higher if there were no white racial prejudice." Here are some thoughts I have on the matter:

1. It is irresponsible to cite this study without fully disclosing its methods or making it subject to peer review, particularly as it appears to use a rather convoluted soup of statistical and inferential techniques.

2. The study appears to be one of all adults, rather than registered or likely voters. Expressions of racial prejudice have a strong inverse correlation with education levels, and so do turnout rates. Therefore, even if it is true that Barack Obama's race puts him at something like a 6-point disadvantage with the population as a whole, the margin is probably more like 4-5 points among likely voters.

3. A related and unresolved question is how many persons will vote for Barack Obama because he is black. Such behavior would probably be more implicit and harder to ascertain than voting against a candidate because of racial prejudice. For instance, Obama's biography is significantly more compelling because he is black (actually, bi-racial), and his change message is probably somewhat easier to sell because he looks different than other (e.g. white) politicians. If he were white, in other words, Barack Obama would not be Barack Obama. Moreover, there may be some people who explicitly vote for Obama because they think it will advance a goal of racial equality, present a different face to the world, and so forth. In the absence of sufficient detail on the study's methodology, it is impossible to know whether these things have been accounted for.

4. One should be very careful not to confuse a study like this with the Bradley Effect. Of course some people are racist, and will vote against Obama because he is black -- I have met some of them. But the Bradley Effect concerns something different -- whether such people are likely to lie about their behavior to pollsters. There is simply no empirical evidence that the Bradley Effect exists any longer. It did not exist in the primaries, and it did not exist in the 2006 Senate race in Tennessee, which was perhaps the most racially-tinged contest of the past decade (in fact, Harold Ford slightly outperformed the late polls).

http://www.fivethirtyeight.com/2008/09/on-race-based-voting.html
 
Theorem: The amount of time conservatives spend talking about the Bradley Effect is inversely proportional to the fortunes of their candidate.

Sean Oxendine at The Next Right purports to find evidence of a Bradley Effect in the Democratic primaries, something which I also looked for and did not find. The difference between my study and his is that I include all the states, whereas he excludes those which do not fit his argument.

Oxendine initially posts data from a large group of states, but then excludes those from what he calls the "Old Confederacy". The concept, however, is inconsistently applied. Texas (where Obama underperformed slightly) remains in his dataset. But also, the particular geographics of the Confederacy are not especially relevant electorally. Kentucky (where Obama underperformed) does not meet Oxendine's definition whereas Tennessee (where Obama overperformed) does, although the states are two peas in a pod demographically. Oxendine also excludes Iowa, where Obama significantly overperformed. True, Iowa was a caucus, and there is a reasonable argument for exlcuding it (likewise with Nevada, which he also excludes), but if you're trying to hypothesis-test, you ought to go with the more roubst and inclusive standard if you're hoping to affirm a positive finding.

In the 20 states that he does choose to include, Oxendine reports that Obama underperformed his polling margin by 2 points. This, by the way, is not a statistically signficant figure at either the 90th or the 95th percentile thresholds. Also, I actually get a different result when looking at that same set of states ... using the Pollster.com estimates rather than the RCP averages, as I did for my study, I found that Obama underperformed by 0.2 points rather than 2.0. Whether the Pollster.com or the RCP averages are superior is something we can take up at another time, but Oxendine's is not a very robust fidning if simply switching up the averaging mechanism that we use removes the positive finding entirely.

The other, more important question is why we should simply dismiss the results in the South, where Obama significantly overperformed his numbers, by 7.2 points on average, according to my definition of the region and by 9.9 points according to his -- numbers of a far greater magnitude than the Bradley Effect that he purports to find. Suppose that we conclude from this dataset that there was some sort of Bradley Effect outside of the South. We would also have to conclude, that within the South, there may be some sort of reverse Bradley Effect, perhaps resulting from black voters telling interviewers they are undecided when they really aren't. If Obama underperforms by, say, a point in Ohio, Michigan and Pennsylvania, but overperforms by 2-3 points in Virginia, Florida and North Carolina, it's not clear that this is a harmful trade for him.

So to summarize, Oxendine:

1. Cherry-picks states for his analysis;
2. Touts a finding that is not remotely statistically significant anyway;
3. Touts a finding that would entirely disappear if you used a different poll averaging mechanism, and,
4. Ignores, even if you excuse all of the above and take his claims at face value, the presence of an apparent reverse Bradley Effect that would benefit Obama in three highly electorally significant states.

http://www.fivethirtyeight.com/2008/09/bad-math-and-bradley-effect.html
 
I hate this notion that the only way Obama could lose would be racism...It's ridiculous.
 
Do you hate the notion that the only way he could win is due to racism? Because that seems quite likely too. :D
 
Do you hate the notion that the only way he could win is due to racism? Because that seems quite likely too. :D

Well it depends on what the definition of is, is. I mean, it depends on what the definition of racism is.

Looking at these 3 definitions:

a belief or doctrine that inherent differences among the various human races determine cultural or individual achievement, usually involving the idea that one's own race is superior and has the right to rule others.
2. a policy, system of government, etc., based upon or fostering such a doctrine; discrimination.
3. hatred or intolerance of another race or other races. [/QUOTE

It is hard to see Obama winning from racism. Identify politics and great organization to turn out the vote? Yes. Because they hate McCain becaus ehe's white? Don't think so. Blacks have traditionally voted for white democrats. Also, he is in such a good position right now because his ability to gain 2/3 support of the Latino vote. So Obama is in the position he is in right now because he was able to bridge a past racism gap.
 
Well it depends on what the definition of is, is. I mean, it depends on what the definition of racism is.

Looking at these 3 definitions:

a belief or doctrine that inherent differences among the various human races determine cultural or individual achievement, usually involving the idea that one's own race is superior and has the right to rule others.
2. a policy, system of government, etc., based upon or fostering such a doctrine; discrimination.
3. hatred or intolerance of another race or other races.

It is hard to see Obama winning from racism. Identify politics and great organization to turn out the vote? Yes. Because they hate McCain becaus ehe's white? Don't think so. Blacks have traditionally voted for white democrats. Also, he is in such a good position right now because his ability to gain 2/3 support of the Latino vote. So Obama is in the position he is in right now because he was able to bridge a past racism gap.
There's a difference between something being racial and something being racist. I think MikeDC meant "racial" - the black vote in his favor appears to be partially based on his race, but I don't see anything to do with "race superiority" or "right to rule others because of race" involved.
 
It's fairly straightforward, and although it's a controversial and inflammatory subject, I don't think these facts in particular are disputable.

Some number of people of Race 1 will support candidate of Race 1 simply because he's a member of Race 1 and/or his opponent is a member of Race 2 This support can take the form of changing a vote from the usual, or being motivated to vote where you haven't before. In both cases, the fact that preference for your own race or against the other is a motivating factor.

Both observing people and looking at statistics, I see the following things happening.
1. A number of African Americans who typically vote Republican appear to be switching to vote for Obama.
2. A number of African Americans who typically don't vote are going to take the time to vote for Obama.
3. A number of whites who typically vote Democrat appear to be switching to vote for McCain.
4. I don't sense that a lot of typically non-voting whites are going to take the time to vote for anyone.
 

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