yankeesince59
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^^^that's f'd up.
OT Roe V Wade In Trouble
- Thread starter Chris Craig
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^^^that's f'd up.
crandc
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A 19 year old Nebraska woman was sentenced to 90 days in jail for having an abortion. She purchased abortion pills on line despite being too far along for recommended use. She accepted a plea for illegal disposal of human remains. Her mother is facing more serious charges for helping her and could receive 5 years in prison.
The state used their Facebook posts to convict them.
Before Roe v Wade, prosecuting women who had abortions was quite rare. Police considered it below the radar. Women warned that would not longer be the case. They are right.
The state used their Facebook posts to convict them.
Before Roe v Wade, prosecuting women who had abortions was quite rare. Police considered it below the radar. Women warned that would not longer be the case. They are right.
crandc
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The Save America conference featured a panel on outlawing all abortion. The panelists, all men, agreed murder charges should be brought against anyone who has an abortion, including death penalty. Because they are so pro life.
Shaboid
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GOP alarms go off after Ohio abortion vote
It would be really fitting if their fears are warranted and there is a blue wave in 2024. Another true, fuck around and find out, story.
It would be really fitting if their fears are warranted and there is a blue wave in 2024. Another true, fuck around and find out, story.
crandc
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Yes, legal abortion and increase in minimum wage and gun safety, oh my!
Opponents of women's rights have already made it clear their campaign against legal abortion initiative will focus on trans people. Even though initiative has zero to do with trans people. Because of course.
Opponents of women's rights have already made it clear their campaign against legal abortion initiative will focus on trans people. Even though initiative has zero to do with trans people. Because of course.
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On a warm November night, Salia Issa had just begun her shift as an Abilene prison officer when she felt the intense pain of what she believed was a contraction.
Seven months pregnant, Issa said she quickly alerted her supervisors. She told them she needed to go to the hospital but knew prison policy wouldn’t allow her to leave her post until someone could replace her.
No one came for hours.
Issa kept calling for relief, but her supervisor repeatedly refused her, even telling her she was lying, according to a federal lawsuit filed against the Texas Department of Criminal Justice and prison officials.
“You just want to go home,” the supervisor allegedly told her.
Eventually, two and a half hours after the pain started, the expectant mother said she was allowed to leave the Middleton Unit. As quickly as the pain would allow her, Issa drove to a nearby hospital, where doctors rushed her into emergency surgery after being unable to find a fetal heartbeat. The baby was delivered stillborn.
If Issa had gotten to the hospital sooner, medical personnel told her, the baby would have survived, the lawsuit claims.
Nearly a year later, Issa and her husband, Fiston Rukengeza, on behalf of themselves and their unborn child, sued TDCJ and three of Issa’s supervisors — Brandy Hooper, Desmond Thompson and Alonzo Hammond. They argue the state caused the death of their child by violating state and federal laws as well as the U.S. Constitution, and they are seeking money to cover medical costs and funeral expenses and to compensate for pain and suffering.
But the prison agency and the Texas attorney general’s office, which has staked its reputation on “defending the unborn” all the way up to the U.S. Supreme Court, are arguing the agency shouldn’t be held responsible for the stillbirth because staff didn’t break the law. Plus, they said, it’s not clear that Issa’s fetus had rights as a person.
“Just because several statutes define an individual to include an unborn child does not mean that the Fourteenth Amendment does the same,” the Texas attorney general’s office wrote in a March footnote, referring to the constitutional right to life.
For more than two decades, in legislation passed by lawmakers and defended in court by the attorney general’s office, Texas has insisted “unborn children” be recognized as people starting at fertilization. And although it has traditionally referred to all stages of pregnancy, from fertilized egg to birth, as an unborn child, the state repeatedly referred to Issa’s stillborn baby as a fetus in legal briefings.
It’s a stark shift in tone from the state’s self-proclaimed status as “a nationwide leader in the protection of the unborn” in the anti-abortion fight. A few months after Issa lost her unborn child, now-suspended Attorney General Ken Paxton said in a press release that he would “continue to fight tirelessly for the rights of the unborn.” Paxton had not yet been impeached and was still at the helm of the agency when the state’s motions in Issa’s case were filed.
The state’s argument relies largely — but not exclusively — on the timing of the tragedy. Issa lost her unborn child seven months before the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in the famous Dobbs decision.
“This Court need not weigh into the difficult question of whether, post-Dobbs, an unborn child possesses constitutional rights under the Fourteenth Amendment,” wrote Benjamin Dower, with the attorney general’s special litigation office, in a January filing. “Even if he or she does, that right was not clearly established on November 15, 2021.”
The change in tune when it’s the state accused of wrongdoing is striking, said Mary Ziegler, a legal historian focused on abortion and fetal rights at University of California, Davis. She said she didn’t understand why the state opted to fight the lawsuit instead of taking the opportunity to say, “We don’t treat unborn children like this in the state of Texas.”
“It seems sort of weird for the state to say, ‘We’ve spent decades saying Roe v. Wade was a horrible violation of human rights. But back in 2021, this violation of human rights allowed us not to get this employee relief,’” she said.
In a court response, Issa’s lawyer shot back that the state’s arguments were “nothing more than an attempt to say—without explicitly saying—that an unborn child at seven months gestation is not a person.”
The attorney general’s office did not respond to questions for this story. Issa’s lawyer said he and the family were declining to comment outside of legal filings.
A TDCJ spokesperson said Wednesday that at this early stage in the legal process, the agency hasn’t had an opportunity to present its side of the story. Instead, the state has only argued against the validity of Issa’s legal claims.
In filings so far, state officials haven’t disputed any of the family’s claims. The agency did not answer questions about whether there has been discipline for the supervisors or any actions taken by the agency after the loss, saying it could not comment on pending litigation.
In the months after losing her child, Issa first filed an internal discrimination complaint with TDCJ, according to the lawsuit. But after months without any response from the agency, she and her husband filed a complaint in federal court in October.
Aside from violating the unborn child’s right to life and bodily integrity, the challenge claims TDCJ and the supervisors violated Issa’s basic rights and discriminated against her based on her sex and pregnancy. The lawsuit also argues TDCJ officials violated the provision of the federal Family and Medical Leave Act that entitles employees to take emergency leave to care for their children.
Represented by the attorney general’s office, as is the expectation for all state agencies that find themselves in court, TDCJ and Issa’s supervisors are asking a federal judge in the Western District of Texas to toss the lawsuit.
Despite decisions that “ultimately resulted in tragic consequences” and supervisorial conduct that was “blunt to the point of rudeness,” Dower wrote, the claims don’t prove the agency or its employees broke the law.
Texas prisons are notoriously tough places to work, and the agency is chronically understaffed. Still, the lawsuit claims there were at least three officers available to step in for Issa when her medical emergency began. Issa’s supervisors directed them to stay in the prison office, Issa said, and the on-duty nurse was never called to attend to her.
Last week, in a preliminary court ruling, U.S. Magistrate Judge Susan Hightower recommended that District Judge Alan Albright keep the case alive, at least in part. She suggested the district judge take up the claims involving discriminatory treatment based on Issa’s pregnancy, rejecting TDCJ’s argument that Issa’s request to leave work “immediately” was unreasonable.
“Issa’s request to leave work to go to the hospital while she was seven months pregnant and experiencing a pregnancy-related medical emergency was reasonable,” the magistrate said.
Regarding fetal rights, Hightower said the court should reject the claims related to the unborn child’s right to life and bodily integrity, but without weighing in on whether a fetus is a person. Instead, she said the claim didn’t clear the constitutional bar in showing the state intentionally caused the death of her unborn child.
However, she also urged Albright to allow the argument that TDCJ officials violated the FMLA provision that allows employees to leave to care for their sons or daughters under the age of 18. In that claim, “fetal personhood,” or the idea of a fetus being legally considered a person, is front and center.
Issa and her husband say in court filings that she was seeking to leave work because her unborn child was suffering from a serious health condition, including a lack of oxygen and difficulty breathing during labor.
“Issa’s unborn child was past viability and its heartbeat had previously been detected,” the couple’s filing states. “This overwhelmingly supports finding the unborn child to be a ‘son’ or ‘daughter’ given the significance the State of Texas has attached to such benchmarks.”
Texas argued that the claim is invalid because Issa was only seeking leave to care for herself, not a child. And, they note, she was able to take leave after the stillbirth.
“The sole grievance is a 2.5-hour delay in granting permission to leave work mid-shift,” the state said.
The state later clarified that it was arguing that the family care provision does not apply to an unborn child. Ziegler said the inconsistency as to when Texas considers a fetus a person opens the window to the complexity of fetal personhood claims and motivations.
“Even if the state thought that’s what the FMLA meant, why would you be fighting this to the extent you are, if you really believe this is [about] rights for the unborn child?” she said.
Campaigns by abortion opponents for fetal rights have been happening in the country since the 1960s, and the debate is beginning to set the stage for what the next round of legal fights will look like in a post-Dobbs world.
Although Texas doesn’t have a specific personhood law, fetal rights are already on the books in some ways. Performing an abortion can land you in prison for murder, for example. Georgia has taken the lead by using such rights not only in punitive measures but to provide benefits for pregnant people — like tax credits and child support eligibility.
But the more the idea takes hold, the more complications arise. Some states have criminalized women for child endangerment because of drug use during pregnancy. Dallas County officials tossed up their hands when a pregnant woman argued she should be able to drive in the high-occupancy vehicle lane.
So far, the U.S. Supreme Court has skirted the issue. It refused to take up a related case out of Rhode Island in October, and Justice Samuel Alito wrote in the Dobbs ruling that it “is not based on any view about if and when prenatal life is entitled to any of the rights enjoyed after birth.”
Now, Ziegler says, we see Texas arguing against fetal rights when it’s being sued for the death of an unborn child.
“If states start to move toward embracing fetal personhood, we’re going to have no idea how they’re actually going to behave,” she said. “There’ll be a possibility that the state will embrace protecting unborn children in ways that don’t help pregnant people carrying them.”
https://www.chron.com/news/houston-...ues-fetus-doesn-t-right-life-new-18292079.php
Seven months pregnant, Issa said she quickly alerted her supervisors. She told them she needed to go to the hospital but knew prison policy wouldn’t allow her to leave her post until someone could replace her.
No one came for hours.
Issa kept calling for relief, but her supervisor repeatedly refused her, even telling her she was lying, according to a federal lawsuit filed against the Texas Department of Criminal Justice and prison officials.
“You just want to go home,” the supervisor allegedly told her.
Eventually, two and a half hours after the pain started, the expectant mother said she was allowed to leave the Middleton Unit. As quickly as the pain would allow her, Issa drove to a nearby hospital, where doctors rushed her into emergency surgery after being unable to find a fetal heartbeat. The baby was delivered stillborn.
If Issa had gotten to the hospital sooner, medical personnel told her, the baby would have survived, the lawsuit claims.
Nearly a year later, Issa and her husband, Fiston Rukengeza, on behalf of themselves and their unborn child, sued TDCJ and three of Issa’s supervisors — Brandy Hooper, Desmond Thompson and Alonzo Hammond. They argue the state caused the death of their child by violating state and federal laws as well as the U.S. Constitution, and they are seeking money to cover medical costs and funeral expenses and to compensate for pain and suffering.
But the prison agency and the Texas attorney general’s office, which has staked its reputation on “defending the unborn” all the way up to the U.S. Supreme Court, are arguing the agency shouldn’t be held responsible for the stillbirth because staff didn’t break the law. Plus, they said, it’s not clear that Issa’s fetus had rights as a person.
“Just because several statutes define an individual to include an unborn child does not mean that the Fourteenth Amendment does the same,” the Texas attorney general’s office wrote in a March footnote, referring to the constitutional right to life.
For more than two decades, in legislation passed by lawmakers and defended in court by the attorney general’s office, Texas has insisted “unborn children” be recognized as people starting at fertilization. And although it has traditionally referred to all stages of pregnancy, from fertilized egg to birth, as an unborn child, the state repeatedly referred to Issa’s stillborn baby as a fetus in legal briefings.
It’s a stark shift in tone from the state’s self-proclaimed status as “a nationwide leader in the protection of the unborn” in the anti-abortion fight. A few months after Issa lost her unborn child, now-suspended Attorney General Ken Paxton said in a press release that he would “continue to fight tirelessly for the rights of the unborn.” Paxton had not yet been impeached and was still at the helm of the agency when the state’s motions in Issa’s case were filed.
The state’s argument relies largely — but not exclusively — on the timing of the tragedy. Issa lost her unborn child seven months before the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in the famous Dobbs decision.
“This Court need not weigh into the difficult question of whether, post-Dobbs, an unborn child possesses constitutional rights under the Fourteenth Amendment,” wrote Benjamin Dower, with the attorney general’s special litigation office, in a January filing. “Even if he or she does, that right was not clearly established on November 15, 2021.”
The change in tune when it’s the state accused of wrongdoing is striking, said Mary Ziegler, a legal historian focused on abortion and fetal rights at University of California, Davis. She said she didn’t understand why the state opted to fight the lawsuit instead of taking the opportunity to say, “We don’t treat unborn children like this in the state of Texas.”
“It seems sort of weird for the state to say, ‘We’ve spent decades saying Roe v. Wade was a horrible violation of human rights. But back in 2021, this violation of human rights allowed us not to get this employee relief,’” she said.
In a court response, Issa’s lawyer shot back that the state’s arguments were “nothing more than an attempt to say—without explicitly saying—that an unborn child at seven months gestation is not a person.”
The attorney general’s office did not respond to questions for this story. Issa’s lawyer said he and the family were declining to comment outside of legal filings.
A TDCJ spokesperson said Wednesday that at this early stage in the legal process, the agency hasn’t had an opportunity to present its side of the story. Instead, the state has only argued against the validity of Issa’s legal claims.
In filings so far, state officials haven’t disputed any of the family’s claims. The agency did not answer questions about whether there has been discipline for the supervisors or any actions taken by the agency after the loss, saying it could not comment on pending litigation.
In the months after losing her child, Issa first filed an internal discrimination complaint with TDCJ, according to the lawsuit. But after months without any response from the agency, she and her husband filed a complaint in federal court in October.
Aside from violating the unborn child’s right to life and bodily integrity, the challenge claims TDCJ and the supervisors violated Issa’s basic rights and discriminated against her based on her sex and pregnancy. The lawsuit also argues TDCJ officials violated the provision of the federal Family and Medical Leave Act that entitles employees to take emergency leave to care for their children.
Represented by the attorney general’s office, as is the expectation for all state agencies that find themselves in court, TDCJ and Issa’s supervisors are asking a federal judge in the Western District of Texas to toss the lawsuit.
Despite decisions that “ultimately resulted in tragic consequences” and supervisorial conduct that was “blunt to the point of rudeness,” Dower wrote, the claims don’t prove the agency or its employees broke the law.
Texas prisons are notoriously tough places to work, and the agency is chronically understaffed. Still, the lawsuit claims there were at least three officers available to step in for Issa when her medical emergency began. Issa’s supervisors directed them to stay in the prison office, Issa said, and the on-duty nurse was never called to attend to her.
Last week, in a preliminary court ruling, U.S. Magistrate Judge Susan Hightower recommended that District Judge Alan Albright keep the case alive, at least in part. She suggested the district judge take up the claims involving discriminatory treatment based on Issa’s pregnancy, rejecting TDCJ’s argument that Issa’s request to leave work “immediately” was unreasonable.
“Issa’s request to leave work to go to the hospital while she was seven months pregnant and experiencing a pregnancy-related medical emergency was reasonable,” the magistrate said.
Regarding fetal rights, Hightower said the court should reject the claims related to the unborn child’s right to life and bodily integrity, but without weighing in on whether a fetus is a person. Instead, she said the claim didn’t clear the constitutional bar in showing the state intentionally caused the death of her unborn child.
However, she also urged Albright to allow the argument that TDCJ officials violated the FMLA provision that allows employees to leave to care for their sons or daughters under the age of 18. In that claim, “fetal personhood,” or the idea of a fetus being legally considered a person, is front and center.
Issa and her husband say in court filings that she was seeking to leave work because her unborn child was suffering from a serious health condition, including a lack of oxygen and difficulty breathing during labor.
“Issa’s unborn child was past viability and its heartbeat had previously been detected,” the couple’s filing states. “This overwhelmingly supports finding the unborn child to be a ‘son’ or ‘daughter’ given the significance the State of Texas has attached to such benchmarks.”
Texas argued that the claim is invalid because Issa was only seeking leave to care for herself, not a child. And, they note, she was able to take leave after the stillbirth.
“The sole grievance is a 2.5-hour delay in granting permission to leave work mid-shift,” the state said.
The state later clarified that it was arguing that the family care provision does not apply to an unborn child. Ziegler said the inconsistency as to when Texas considers a fetus a person opens the window to the complexity of fetal personhood claims and motivations.
“Even if the state thought that’s what the FMLA meant, why would you be fighting this to the extent you are, if you really believe this is [about] rights for the unborn child?” she said.
Campaigns by abortion opponents for fetal rights have been happening in the country since the 1960s, and the debate is beginning to set the stage for what the next round of legal fights will look like in a post-Dobbs world.
Although Texas doesn’t have a specific personhood law, fetal rights are already on the books in some ways. Performing an abortion can land you in prison for murder, for example. Georgia has taken the lead by using such rights not only in punitive measures but to provide benefits for pregnant people — like tax credits and child support eligibility.
But the more the idea takes hold, the more complications arise. Some states have criminalized women for child endangerment because of drug use during pregnancy. Dallas County officials tossed up their hands when a pregnant woman argued she should be able to drive in the high-occupancy vehicle lane.
So far, the U.S. Supreme Court has skirted the issue. It refused to take up a related case out of Rhode Island in October, and Justice Samuel Alito wrote in the Dobbs ruling that it “is not based on any view about if and when prenatal life is entitled to any of the rights enjoyed after birth.”
Now, Ziegler says, we see Texas arguing against fetal rights when it’s being sued for the death of an unborn child.
“If states start to move toward embracing fetal personhood, we’re going to have no idea how they’re actually going to behave,” she said. “There’ll be a possibility that the state will embrace protecting unborn children in ways that don’t help pregnant people carrying them.”
https://www.chron.com/news/houston-...ues-fetus-doesn-t-right-life-new-18292079.php
crandc
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12 year old Mississippi girl raped and forced to carry to term. She was so terrified she didn't tell her mother for 10 weeks. Technically law allows rape exception but so many caveats it's essentially impossible, not to mention last clinic in the state was shut down when extreme court overturned Roe. The child was terrified of pregnancy and delivery. She was afraid to go outside after being raped. The nearest clinic was in Chicago.
She gave birth and will start 7th grade.
Celebrate, ABM and other Trump supporters and DeSantis supporters and other misogynists. You punished the little slut.
She gave birth and will start 7th grade.
Celebrate, ABM and other Trump supporters and DeSantis supporters and other misogynists. You punished the little slut.
crandc
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In Ohio, abortion is essentially totally illegal. An unpopular law. Citizens gathered signatures on a petition to legalize abortion up to fetal viability, with abortion permitted after viability if attending physician determines either severe fetal abnormalities or risk to life/health of pregnant person.
The measure was popular. Polls showed it would receive 58-59% of the vote. So Republicans held a special election in August, when turnout is typically low, for a measure that would make it tougher to qualify citizen initiatives for the ballot and require 60% to pass them. This despite the fact that last year they voted to ban special elections during the summer due to cost and low turnout. They voted an exception to their law. Unlike what they expected, turnout was high and anti democratic measure soundly defeated.
Did they accept will of the people? Are you nuts?
The Republican secretary of state, an opponent of women's rights, unilaterally changed the language of the ballot initiative. Instead of reading:
Shall abortion be legal in Ohio up to fetal viability, and after viability if attending physician certifies either severe fetal abnormality or risk to life and health of pregnant woman?
to
Shall Ohio allow unborn babies to be aborted at all stage in pregnancy including after viability?
It is totally outside the norms to change language of citizen initiative except for perhaps grammatical correction.
Supporters of women's rights are in court to change language back to original wording.
The measure was popular. Polls showed it would receive 58-59% of the vote. So Republicans held a special election in August, when turnout is typically low, for a measure that would make it tougher to qualify citizen initiatives for the ballot and require 60% to pass them. This despite the fact that last year they voted to ban special elections during the summer due to cost and low turnout. They voted an exception to their law. Unlike what they expected, turnout was high and anti democratic measure soundly defeated.
Did they accept will of the people? Are you nuts?
The Republican secretary of state, an opponent of women's rights, unilaterally changed the language of the ballot initiative. Instead of reading:
Shall abortion be legal in Ohio up to fetal viability, and after viability if attending physician certifies either severe fetal abnormality or risk to life and health of pregnant woman?
to
Shall Ohio allow unborn babies to be aborted at all stage in pregnancy including after viability?
It is totally outside the norms to change language of citizen initiative except for perhaps grammatical correction.
Supporters of women's rights are in court to change language back to original wording.
Everything Beagle
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yeah but it’s only some of the cops in that department so it’s okay.
Labinot41
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Everything Beagle
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Not gonna lie, that made me cry a bit
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At least they have her running the cash register and not the grill.
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Babies are the veal of humans.
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crandc
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I have said I hate mayonnaise. I hate the Lakers.
That isn't true hate.
I truly have a complete visceral hate for the smug smirking men who get off on women's pain. The greater our anguish and distress, the happier they are. Like the song says, they make wine from our tears.
I could strangle men like Paxton with my bare hands. That is not hyperbole. I could.
And hope it hurts.
That isn't true hate.
I truly have a complete visceral hate for the smug smirking men who get off on women's pain. The greater our anguish and distress, the happier they are. Like the song says, they make wine from our tears.
I could strangle men like Paxton with my bare hands. That is not hyperbole. I could.
And hope it hurts.
SharpeScooterShooter
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I feel for you and all women.
I’m not for abortion. But I’m for women’s rights more.
This is just sickening that anyone can’t take care of their own health first, at the expense of an unborn child.
Just despicable. I try and I try to wrap my head around this absurd rationales that an unborn fetus is a more valuable life than the one fully grown hosting the fetus.
All I come up with is confusion and hate.
as a fairly conservative, pro life person who believes government needs to get out of our bedrooms, they also need to get out of our personal health decisions. Yes this is a health issue. It is not a pro life issue. When it comes to this, pro life takes a back seat to current health. Any politician trying to rule on this based on a religious believe should never be able to run for politics.
Get religion the fuck out of politics and get the government the fuck out of our bedrooms and out of our damn bodies.
Good grief hell is rising to the surface…and its mainly because of those who are religious to avoid “hell” (see mid east war thread).
Religion. the biggest double standard in the history of recorded humans. I’m sorry for all of my friends who are religious. And I know I’m blanket statementing but damn. This is just crazy to not allow her an abortion to maintain her health and future fertility.
back to my rock to crawl under now…
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Texas woman who sought court permission for abortion leaves state for the procedure, attorneys say
AUSTIN, Texas (AP) — A pregnant Texas woman who was seeking court permission for an abortion in an unprecedented challenge to one of the most restrictive bans in the U.S. could not wait any longer and went to another state, her attorneys said Monday.
The announcement came as Kate Cox, whose fetus has a fatal condition, was waiting for the Texas Supreme Court to rule whether she could legally receive an abortion. Her baby’s diagnosis has low survival rates and her attorneys said continuing the pregnancy jeopardized both her health and ability to have more children.
“Her health is on the line. She’s been in and out of the emergency room and she couldn’t wait any longer,” said Nancy Northup, president and CEO of the Center for Reproductive Rights, which was representing Cox.
The organization did not disclose where Cox went. On Monday, she would have been 20 weeks and six days pregnant.
The court, which is made up of nine Republican justices, had given no timetable for a ruling. On Friday night, the court had paused a lower a judge’s order that gave Cox permission for an abortion.
Roe v. Wade was overturned last year. Her lawsuit quickly became a high-profile test of bans in Texas and a dozen other GOP-controlled states, where abortion is prohibited at nearly all stages of pregnancy.
Days after Cox filed her lawsuit, a pregnant woman in Kentucky also asked a court to allow an abortion. There has been no ruling yet in that case.
Earlier Monday, two medical groups in the U.S. urged the Texas Supreme Court to rule in favor of Cox. Her attorneys said she had been to the emergency room at least four times since becoming pregnant again in August.
Texas’ abortion ban makes narrow exceptions when the life of the mother is in danger but not for fetal anomalies.
Republican Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, who has defended the state’s strict anti-abortion laws for nearly a decade, argued that Cox did not demonstrate that the pregnancy had put her life in danger.
“The Texas Legislature did not intend for courts to become revolving doors of permission slips to obtain abortions,” Paxton’s office wrote in a filing to the state Supreme Court last week.
Dr. Leilah Zahedi-Spung, a maternal fetal medicine specialist in Colorado and a fellow with Physicians for Reproductive Health, said when lethal fetal anomalies are diagnosed “there’s only risk to that pregnant person and no benefit unfortunately for that innocent child.”
“You are putting your body through risks without any benefit because prolonging the pregnancy doesn’t change the survival rate,” Zahedi-Spung said.
Doctors told Cox that her fetus has a condition known as trisomy 18, which has a very high likelihood of miscarriage or stillbirth, and low survival rates, according to her lawsuit filed last week in Austin. They also told Cox that inducing labor or carrying the baby to term could jeopardize her ability to have another child.
Trisomy 18 occurs in approximately 1 in 2,500 diagnosed pregnancies, according to the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists and the Society for Maternal-Fetal Medicine. There is no live birth in about 70% of pregnancies involving the diagnosis that proceed past 12 weeks gestational age, according to a legal filing that the two groups submitted to the court.
The termination of pregnancies because of fetal anomalies or other often-fatal medical problems is seldom discussed in national debates over abortion. There are no recent statistics on the frequency of terminations for fetal anomalies in the U.S. but experts say it’s a small percentage of total procedures.
https://apnews.com/article/abortion-texas-ban-7d865cdfd75bdc6b2f4186f4d1e6e8bd
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Supreme Court to decide whether to restrict abortion drug nationwide
The Supreme Court said Wednesday it will consider whether to restrict access to a widely used abortion drug — even in states where the procedure is still allowed.
The case concerns the drug mifepristone that — when coupled with another drug — is one of the most common abortion methods in the United States.
The decision means the conservative-leaning court will again wade into the abortion debate after overturning Roe v. Wade last year, altering the landscape of abortion rights nationwide and triggering more than half the states to outlaw or severely restrict the procedure.
The new case could be decided by July, inserting the Supreme Court into the middle of the presidential election, where abortion access is once again a key issue.
...
The legal volleying jumpstarted this spring, when US District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk, an appointee of former President Donald Trump, issued a ruling that would have a halted the FDA’s 2000 approval of the drug.
The judge said that the FDA failed to consider “the intense psychological trauma and post-traumatic stress women often experience from chemical abortion.” The term “chemical abortion,” which is preferred by abortion opponents, was repeatedly invoked by the judge in his ruling, as was “abortionist” and “unborn human.”
Kacsmaryk also suggested that the FDA’s data was downplaying the frequency with which the drug was being mistakenly administered to someone who had an ectopic pregnancy, i.e. a pregnancy outside the cavity of the uterus. He repeated the challengers’ accusations that the FDA’s approval process had been the subject of improper political pressure.
https://www.cnn.com/2023/12/13/poli...-restrict-abortion-drug-nationwide/index.html
The Supreme Court said Wednesday it will consider whether to restrict access to a widely used abortion drug — even in states where the procedure is still allowed.
The case concerns the drug mifepristone that — when coupled with another drug — is one of the most common abortion methods in the United States.
The decision means the conservative-leaning court will again wade into the abortion debate after overturning Roe v. Wade last year, altering the landscape of abortion rights nationwide and triggering more than half the states to outlaw or severely restrict the procedure.
The new case could be decided by July, inserting the Supreme Court into the middle of the presidential election, where abortion access is once again a key issue.
...
The legal volleying jumpstarted this spring, when US District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk, an appointee of former President Donald Trump, issued a ruling that would have a halted the FDA’s 2000 approval of the drug.
The judge said that the FDA failed to consider “the intense psychological trauma and post-traumatic stress women often experience from chemical abortion.” The term “chemical abortion,” which is preferred by abortion opponents, was repeatedly invoked by the judge in his ruling, as was “abortionist” and “unborn human.”
Kacsmaryk also suggested that the FDA’s data was downplaying the frequency with which the drug was being mistakenly administered to someone who had an ectopic pregnancy, i.e. a pregnancy outside the cavity of the uterus. He repeated the challengers’ accusations that the FDA’s approval process had been the subject of improper political pressure.
https://www.cnn.com/2023/12/13/poli...-restrict-abortion-drug-nationwide/index.html
crandc
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Does anyone believe the extreme court hasn't already made up their minds? They were put thete with prime objective: forced birth. No exceptions. Second objective: hate gays.
Oppose voting rights so Republicans stay in power. Oppose unions, consumers, environment a plus.
Federalist Society was founded by one man with the goal of outlawing all abortion and all forms of birth control. He later added no rights for queers. It has ties to Catholic and right wing evangelical churches, billions in funds and every Republican governor and president pledges only to appoint judges they recommend. Chosen for for ed birth views.
Oppose voting rights so Republicans stay in power. Oppose unions, consumers, environment a plus.
Federalist Society was founded by one man with the goal of outlawing all abortion and all forms of birth control. He later added no rights for queers. It has ties to Catholic and right wing evangelical churches, billions in funds and every Republican governor and president pledges only to appoint judges they recommend. Chosen for for ed birth views.
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She miscarried in her bathroom. Now she’s charged with abuse of a corpse.
Brittany Watts was still hooked to an IV, sick for almost a week from a potentially fatal miscarriage, when a detective from the Warren Police Department in Ohio stepped into her hospital room. He assured her that she wasn’t in any trouble.
For more than an hour, Detective Nick Carney interviewed Watts, 33, about the details of that morning and the whereabouts of the nearly 22-week-old fetus that was declared nonviable two days earlier. As Watts described miscarrying in her bathroom, a nurse at Mercy Health — St. Joseph Warren Hospital rubbed her shoulders and told her everything would be okay, Watts told The Washington Post in a series of text messages.
Two weeks later, Carney arrested Watts on charges of felony abuse of a corpse for how she handled the remains from her pregnancy. If indicted and found guilty, she faces up to a year in prison along with a fine of up to $2,500, her lawyer said.
To describe Watts’s experience, The Washington Post reviewed police reports, call recordings and more than 600 pages of medical records, interviewed her lawyer, and spoke to Watts via text message.
The arrest has outraged health-care professionals and reproductive rights activists — many of whom fear that the stigmatization and criminalization of women’s reproductive-related outcomes is expanding in the 18 months since the Supreme Court reversed a nearly 50-year precedent that gave women the constitutional right to an abortion. Even before restrictions from the Dobbs decision took hold, low-income women and women of color, particularly Black women, were disproportionately criminalized while pregnant.
As many as 30 percent of pregnancies end in miscarriages, usually in the first trimester and often before a woman knows she is pregnant. Late miscarriages, such as Watts’s, are relatively rare, and doctors say that there’s no clear guidance for how fetal remains should be handled. In the past seven years, Ohio is among several states that enacted laws mandating that products of pregnancy be buried or cremated, although these rules typically apply to a health-care setting such as a clinic or doctor’s office rather than individuals who experience a pregnancy loss at home or elsewhere. A judge last year blocked Ohio’s law from being enforced pending a legal battle.
“Moving this over to the individual after a miscarriage just heightens the question, ‘What are they supposed to do?’ ” said Dov Fox, a national health law and bioethics expert at the University of San Diego School of Law. “If it’s already difficult for hospitals, for individuals facing difficult circumstances and navigating pregnancy loss to undertake the medical system is not just a tall order but a prohibitive one.”
Watts later learned through her lawyer that the nurse who had reassured her had reported her to the police.
Neither health-care workers nor law enforcement officials dispute that Watts’s pregnancy loss was natural, and the coroner’s report determined that the fetus was uninjured, but a Trumbull County grand jury is now investigating her case.
Watts said that along with mourning her loss, she is also dealing with how her “life was turned upside down” the day law enforcement was asked to intervene.
“I am grieving the loss of my baby,” she told The Post this week. “I feel anger, frustration and, at times, shameful.”
Watts, a medical receptionist at a different hospital, had woken in pain on the morning of Sept. 22. At her home in Warren, Ohio, about an hour east of Cleveland, she tried walking around indoors, but it didn’t lessen the pressure she felt in her abdomen.
Watts was in her bathroom when she delivered a roughly 15-ounce fetus over the toilet. At the time, she said, she “didn’t know that at 5:48 a.m. [her] life would change forever.” The delivery left a mess of blood, stool, tissue and other bodily fluid, clogging the toilet. Watts scooped out what she believed was stopping the toilet and placed it outdoors, near the garage, cleaned the bathroom and showered, records show.
To maintain appearances to her mother, whom she had not told about the pregnancy, Watts drove to a hair appointment, said Traci Timko, Watts’s attorney. The hairdresser noticed Watts’s pale face and immediately called her mother to take her to the hospital. It was Watts’s fourth pregnancy-related trip to the hospital that week.
When a hospital nurse asked Watts where the fetus was, Watts told her, and later the police, that the fetus was outdoors, near the garage; Watts added that she didn’t look inside the toilet to make sure. A hospital note written and signed by the nurse said, “Advised by risk management to contact Warren City Police to investigate the possibility of the infant being in a bucket at the patient’s residence.” The next record shows that the nurse called the police.
“I had a mother who had a delivery at home and came in without the baby and she says the baby’s in her backyard in a bucket,” the nurse said, according to a call recording obtained by The Post. “I need to have someone go find this baby, or direct me on what I need to do.”
A spokesperson for Mercy Health, Maureen Richmond, declined to comment “out of respect for patient privacy.”
Read the rest of the article here:
https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/othe...-s-charged-with-abuse-of-a-corpse/ar-AA1lxOeB
Brittany Watts was still hooked to an IV, sick for almost a week from a potentially fatal miscarriage, when a detective from the Warren Police Department in Ohio stepped into her hospital room. He assured her that she wasn’t in any trouble.
For more than an hour, Detective Nick Carney interviewed Watts, 33, about the details of that morning and the whereabouts of the nearly 22-week-old fetus that was declared nonviable two days earlier. As Watts described miscarrying in her bathroom, a nurse at Mercy Health — St. Joseph Warren Hospital rubbed her shoulders and told her everything would be okay, Watts told The Washington Post in a series of text messages.
Two weeks later, Carney arrested Watts on charges of felony abuse of a corpse for how she handled the remains from her pregnancy. If indicted and found guilty, she faces up to a year in prison along with a fine of up to $2,500, her lawyer said.
To describe Watts’s experience, The Washington Post reviewed police reports, call recordings and more than 600 pages of medical records, interviewed her lawyer, and spoke to Watts via text message.
The arrest has outraged health-care professionals and reproductive rights activists — many of whom fear that the stigmatization and criminalization of women’s reproductive-related outcomes is expanding in the 18 months since the Supreme Court reversed a nearly 50-year precedent that gave women the constitutional right to an abortion. Even before restrictions from the Dobbs decision took hold, low-income women and women of color, particularly Black women, were disproportionately criminalized while pregnant.
As many as 30 percent of pregnancies end in miscarriages, usually in the first trimester and often before a woman knows she is pregnant. Late miscarriages, such as Watts’s, are relatively rare, and doctors say that there’s no clear guidance for how fetal remains should be handled. In the past seven years, Ohio is among several states that enacted laws mandating that products of pregnancy be buried or cremated, although these rules typically apply to a health-care setting such as a clinic or doctor’s office rather than individuals who experience a pregnancy loss at home or elsewhere. A judge last year blocked Ohio’s law from being enforced pending a legal battle.
“Moving this over to the individual after a miscarriage just heightens the question, ‘What are they supposed to do?’ ” said Dov Fox, a national health law and bioethics expert at the University of San Diego School of Law. “If it’s already difficult for hospitals, for individuals facing difficult circumstances and navigating pregnancy loss to undertake the medical system is not just a tall order but a prohibitive one.”
Watts later learned through her lawyer that the nurse who had reassured her had reported her to the police.
Neither health-care workers nor law enforcement officials dispute that Watts’s pregnancy loss was natural, and the coroner’s report determined that the fetus was uninjured, but a Trumbull County grand jury is now investigating her case.
Watts said that along with mourning her loss, she is also dealing with how her “life was turned upside down” the day law enforcement was asked to intervene.
“I am grieving the loss of my baby,” she told The Post this week. “I feel anger, frustration and, at times, shameful.”
Watts, a medical receptionist at a different hospital, had woken in pain on the morning of Sept. 22. At her home in Warren, Ohio, about an hour east of Cleveland, she tried walking around indoors, but it didn’t lessen the pressure she felt in her abdomen.
Watts was in her bathroom when she delivered a roughly 15-ounce fetus over the toilet. At the time, she said, she “didn’t know that at 5:48 a.m. [her] life would change forever.” The delivery left a mess of blood, stool, tissue and other bodily fluid, clogging the toilet. Watts scooped out what she believed was stopping the toilet and placed it outdoors, near the garage, cleaned the bathroom and showered, records show.
To maintain appearances to her mother, whom she had not told about the pregnancy, Watts drove to a hair appointment, said Traci Timko, Watts’s attorney. The hairdresser noticed Watts’s pale face and immediately called her mother to take her to the hospital. It was Watts’s fourth pregnancy-related trip to the hospital that week.
When a hospital nurse asked Watts where the fetus was, Watts told her, and later the police, that the fetus was outdoors, near the garage; Watts added that she didn’t look inside the toilet to make sure. A hospital note written and signed by the nurse said, “Advised by risk management to contact Warren City Police to investigate the possibility of the infant being in a bucket at the patient’s residence.” The next record shows that the nurse called the police.
“I had a mother who had a delivery at home and came in without the baby and she says the baby’s in her backyard in a bucket,” the nurse said, according to a call recording obtained by The Post. “I need to have someone go find this baby, or direct me on what I need to do.”
A spokesperson for Mercy Health, Maureen Richmond, declined to comment “out of respect for patient privacy.”
Read the rest of the article here:
https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/othe...-s-charged-with-abuse-of-a-corpse/ar-AA1lxOeB
- Joined
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A woman who had a miscarriage is now charged with abusing a corpse as stricter abortion laws play out nationwide
An Ohio woman who had sought treatment at a hospital before suffering a miscarriage and passing her nonviable fetus in her bathroom now faces a criminal charge, her attorney told CNN.
Brittany Watts, 33, of Warren, has been charged with felony abuse of a corpse, Trumbull County court records show.
“Ms. Watts suffered a tragic and dangerous miscarriage that jeopardized her own life. Rather than focusing on healing physically and emotionally, she was arrested and charged with a felony,” her attorney, Traci Timko, told CNN in an email.
“Ms. Watts’ case is pending before the Trumbull County Grand Jury. I have advised her not to speak publicly until the criminal matter has resolved.”
Though a coroner’s office report said the fetus was not viable and had died in the womb, Watts’ case highlights the extent to which prosecutors can charge a woman whose pregnancy has ended – whether by abortion or miscarriage.
https://www.cnn.com/2023/12/19/us/brittany-watts-miscarriage-criminal-charge/index.html
