dviss1
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There are no good cops because they get fired.
Same MFs that say see something say something are the MFs that see everything and say nothing.
FUCK them...
OT ACAB All Cops Are Bastards (yes EVERY one)
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There are no good cops because they get fired.
Same MFs that say see something say something are the MFs that see everything and say nothing.
FUCK them...
dviss1
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QUIT YOUR JOB!!
QUIT YOUR JOB!!
QUIT YOUR JOB!!
QUIT YOUR JOB!!
QUIT YOUR JOB!!
QUIT YOUR JOB!!
QUIT YOUR JOB!!
dviss1
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Why would anyone want to spend their time "policing" others?
dviss1
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I take it NONE of you know the history of policing in this country. But you actually have to give a fuck about the people being policed...
How You Start is How You Finish? The Slave Patrol and Jim Crow Origins of Policing
Before the summer of 2020 #BlackLivesMatter demonstrations nationwide following the death in May of George Floyd from a Minneapolis police officer kneeling on his neck; before the 2015 Baltimore, Maryland, protests after the death of Freddie Gray while in police custody; and before the Ferguson, Missouri, protests after the 2014 shooting death of Michael Brown by a police officer (and the lack of indictment of the officer who shot Brown); there were the Los Angeles riots of 1992 after the acquittal of police officers for beating up Rodney King. Before the 1992 Los Angeles riots came the 1965 Watts Riots (also in Los Angeles) after an African American driver and his stepbrother were pulled over by the police. The Watts Riots occurred in August 1965, days after the Voting Rights Act was signed, months after the Selma-to-Montgomery Civil Rights march occurred, and a year after the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
The Civil Rights Act banned segregation in public spaces, as well as employment discrimination based on race, gender, national origin, or religion. Building on this, the Voting Rights Act targeted legal barriers that states and municipalities had erected (e.g., poll taxes, literacy tests) to prevent African American men from voting in the wake of the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution in 1870. Perhaps it was the possibility that ending discrimination against African Americans might be possible that caused frustration that was previously tamped down to finally became unbearable. Centuries of suppressed anger—over systemic racism, housing discrimination, Black/white income disparities, poverty, police harassment—finally boiled over in 1965 in Watts, a Black neighborhood in Los Angeles. African Americans took to the street to say, “enough is enough.” Yet, tenuous police/Black community relations arguably haven’t improved that much during the past 50 years. The protests, and mistrust, continue to this day (see, for example, the 2016 documentary Stay Woke: The Black Lives Matter Movement).
How did we get here? There are two narratives of how U.S. policing developed. Both are true.
Policing in southern slave-holding states followed a different trajectory—one that has roots in slave patrols.
WIKIMEDIA COMMONS & AESQUIBEL23 ON WIKIMEDIA COMMONS
The more commonly known history—the one most college students will hear about in an Introduction to Criminal Justice course—is that American policing can trace its roots back to English policing. It’s true that centralized municipal police departments in America began to form in the early nineteenth century (Potter, 2013), beginning in Boston and subsequently established in New York City; Albany, New York; Chicago; Philadelphia; Newark, New Jersey; and Baltimore. As written by Professor Gary Potter (2013) of Eastern Kentucky University, by the late nineteenth century, all major American cities had a police force. This is the history that doesn’t make us feel bad.
While this narrative is correct, it only tells part of the story (Turner et al., 2006). Policing in southern slave-holding states followed a different trajectory—one that has roots in slave patrols of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and police enforcement of Jim Crow laws in the late nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. As per Professor Michael Robinson (2017) of the University of Georgia, the first deaths in America of Black men at the hands of law enforcement “can be traced back as early as 1619 when the first slave ship, a Dutch Man-of-War vessel landed in Point Comfort, Virginia.”
When a relationship begins like this, can citizen mistrust of police ever fully be overcome? Has policing as an institution evolved far enough away from its origins to warrant Black communities’ trust?
This article isn’t the first public discussion of the history of racism in policing. Indeed, racism in policing is officially acknowledged by the National Law Enforcement Museum. More famously, comedian Dave Chappelle did a bit about it at the Brooklyn club, the Knitting Factory, back in 2015. A piece about the issue, published by the author in 2019 in the scholarly magazine The Conversation, got a lot of traction after the death of George Floyd. As of this writing, over 240,000 people have read that article. The reactions to The Conversation article have varied from positive to negative. Some readers agreed or wrote that it confirmed what they already suspected. Others disagreed (“It’s [police/citizen relations] not much better for white people”) or tried to minimize feelings of guilt (“black Americans played a significant role in the slave trade! So there is lots of blame to go around”). A few annoyed readers took the time to send an email rather than simply posting a comment in the comment section. One email received simply said, “Your a moron.” (The author resisted the urge to reply that if the emailer wished to call the author a moron, then the emailer should use proper grammar.)
Why should there be hostility to simply reminding people of the history of events that already happened? After all, we—Americans—did this. Isn’t owning one’s actions the right thing to do, even if it makes us feel bad for a while? The ugly past should be revisited because there is still a problem with police/community relations with respect to African Americans.
How You Start: Slave Codes and Slave Patrols
Originating in Virginia and Maryland, the American slave codes defined slaves from Africa as property rather than as people (Robinson 2017); that is, without rights. American slave codes were rooted in the slave codes of Barbados. According to Dr. Robinson (2017), the British established the Barbadian Slave Codes (laws) “to justify the practice of slavery and legalize the planters’ inhumane treatment of their enslaved Africans.” American policing in the South would begin as an institution—slave patrols—responsible for enforcing those laws (Turner et al., 2006), as slave uprisings were a threat to the social order and a chronic fear of plantation owners.
The first slave patrols were founded in the southern United States, the Carolina colony specifically (Reichel, 1992), in the early 1700s. By the end of the century, every slave state had slave patrols. According to Dr. Potter (2013), slave patrols accomplished several goals: apprehending escaped slaves and returning them to their owners; unleashing terror to deter potential slave revolts; and disciplining slaves outside of the law for breaking plantation rules. Described by Turner et al. (2006), slave patrols were a “government-sponsored force [of about 10 people] that was well organized and paid to patrol specific areas to prevent crimes and insurrection by slaves against the white community” in the antebellum South. Without warrant or permission, slave patrols could enter the home of anyone—Black or white—suspected of sheltering escaped slaves. (In modern times, this would be a clear violation of the Fourth Amendment and constitute an illegal search.) After the Civil War ended, the slave patrols developed into southern police departments. Part of the early police’s post–Civil War duties was to monitor the behavior of newly freed slaves, many of whom, if not given their own land, ended up working on plantations owned by whites and to enforce segregation policies as per the era’s new Black Codes and Jim Crow laws.
The first Black Codes were passed in 1865, shortly after the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment outlawing slavery. The codes were laws that specified how, when, and where freed slaves could work and how much they would be paid. Essentially, the Black Codes maintained the de facto structure of slavery without formally calling it “slavery.” Other Black Codes restricted Blacks’ right to vote, dictated how and where they could travel, and where they could live. Because many ex-Confederate soldiers had transitioned to working in policing or elsewhere in the justice system (e.g., as judges), the justice system, including law enforcement, perpetuated the oppression of African Americans.
In the 1880s, new forms of Black Codes known as Jim Crow laws were enacted across southern states. In effect until 1965, these new laws prohibited Blacks and whites from sharing public spaces, such as schools, libraries, bathrooms, and restaurants. The hardships of life for African Americans in the Jim Crow South (Mississippi, specifically) are the focus of a recent book by Jim Sturkey, Hattiesburg: An American City in Black and White.Perhaps the most infamous image from this era is the separate but “equal” water fountain for white versus colored individuals, taken in 1950 by Elliot Erwitt in North Carolina (see here). Blacks who broke the law or violated norms during the Jim Crow period were often met with brutality at the hands of the police (Robinson, 2017).
Fast forward to the 1960s and the formal end of the Jim Crow era. The Voting Rights Act and the Civil Rights Act came during a decade of much social and political upheaval. Opposition to the Vietnam War and other protest movements—for civil rights, women’s rights, victims’ rights, prisoners’ rights—signaled that America had entered a new era of challenges to the status quo. In July 1964, civil rights activist Malcolm X would denounce what he called New York police’s “outright scare tactics” in responding to racial tensions in the city. During this time of upheaval, the police acted as enforcers of the status quo. It was no longer about quashing slave uprisings. Indeed, citizen protests and police response to those protests were not just happening in the former slave states but throughout the country. According to Dr. Victor Kappeler (2014) of Eastern Kentucky University, the police were now tasked with responding to anyone who pushed back against the existing social, political, and economic structure of America—which seemed to disadvantage the poor and people of color. During the summers of the late 1960s, race riots broke out in cities across the country, particularly in 1967 and after the 1968 assassination of civil rights leader Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. The police responded at times harshly to the riots using dogs, fire hoses, and tear gas.
As an aside, it is worth mentioning that policing isn’t alone in the criminal justice system in having an issue with institutional racism and discrimination. Other parts of the system—including courts and corrections—are also affected. Two words: wrongful conviction. Ava DuVernay’s excellent Netflix miniseries When They See Us portrays the heartbreaking ordeal of the men—Korey Wise, Kevin Richardson, Raymond Santana, Antron McCray, and Yusef Salaam—known as the Central Park Five. Decades earlier came the wrongful conviction of teenagers known as the Scottsboro Boys. They were also falsely accused of raping two white women. These are not isolated incidents.
How We Finish?
For the record, the point of this article is not to assert that individual police officers are racist. The author has friends, family, and students in law enforcement who are good, ethical people and who view their primary job as to protect and serve the public. When speaking with police officer friends and family members in the wake of George Floyd’s death, the word that came up most often was “disgusting” (how Floyd died). The point is that the overall institution had a terrible start in some (not all) aspects, for which there has never been a reckoning. Perhaps if policing—and the justice system more broadly—had done a better job of reconciling with its racist past, there wouldn’t be calls currently to defund the police.
There have been some improvements. There is greater awareness of the need to have a more diverse police force. There is also more understanding among police of the importance of handling citizens with care; and that brutality—particularly lethal force—against citizens can lead to citizen mistrust of police and community outrage. There are calls for police to wear body cameras to monitor police behavior so as to reduce police abuse of their power by increasing transparency of police behavior. (Studies [e.g., Hedberg et al., 2017] on the effectiveness of body-worn cameras show mixed results. See, for example.) Groups like Blacks in Law Enforcement of America and 100 Blacks in Law Enforcement Who Care (“100 Blacks”) now exist and have a voice as well as a social media presence. Police departments nationwide are more diverse, including the hiring of more Blacks, Hispanics, and women, although there is room for improvement. In the past 10 years, the rise of technology, like smartphones, and social media platforms, like YouTube and Facebook, have empowered citizens to capture real-time video of police encounters. The author is cautiously optimistic that the institution of policing is evolving away from the racially oppressive part of its roots.
Yet, issues remain, such as racial profiling (Meehan & Ponder, 2002). In New York City, police stop-and-frisk practices have been the subject of a recent federal lawsuit that found them to be unconstitutional in that they unfairly target Blacks and Hispanics. A new study by Stanford University researchers of 100 million traffic stops nationwide found evidence of racial profiling by officers in stopping drivers (Pierson et al., 2020
✎ EditSign
). The researchers found that Black and Hispanic drivers were stopped and searched more frequently than were white drivers, but this drops after sunset when the driver’s race is harder to spot from a police car.
How far we have come, how far we have yet to go.
How You Start is How You Finish? The Slave Patrol and Jim Crow Origins of Policing
Before the summer of 2020 #BlackLivesMatter demonstrations nationwide following the death in May of George Floyd from a Minneapolis police officer kneeling on his neck; before the 2015 Baltimore, Maryland, protests after the death of Freddie Gray while in police custody; and before the Ferguson, Missouri, protests after the 2014 shooting death of Michael Brown by a police officer (and the lack of indictment of the officer who shot Brown); there were the Los Angeles riots of 1992 after the acquittal of police officers for beating up Rodney King. Before the 1992 Los Angeles riots came the 1965 Watts Riots (also in Los Angeles) after an African American driver and his stepbrother were pulled over by the police. The Watts Riots occurred in August 1965, days after the Voting Rights Act was signed, months after the Selma-to-Montgomery Civil Rights march occurred, and a year after the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
The Civil Rights Act banned segregation in public spaces, as well as employment discrimination based on race, gender, national origin, or religion. Building on this, the Voting Rights Act targeted legal barriers that states and municipalities had erected (e.g., poll taxes, literacy tests) to prevent African American men from voting in the wake of the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution in 1870. Perhaps it was the possibility that ending discrimination against African Americans might be possible that caused frustration that was previously tamped down to finally became unbearable. Centuries of suppressed anger—over systemic racism, housing discrimination, Black/white income disparities, poverty, police harassment—finally boiled over in 1965 in Watts, a Black neighborhood in Los Angeles. African Americans took to the street to say, “enough is enough.” Yet, tenuous police/Black community relations arguably haven’t improved that much during the past 50 years. The protests, and mistrust, continue to this day (see, for example, the 2016 documentary Stay Woke: The Black Lives Matter Movement).
How did we get here? There are two narratives of how U.S. policing developed. Both are true.
Policing in southern slave-holding states followed a different trajectory—one that has roots in slave patrols.
WIKIMEDIA COMMONS & AESQUIBEL23 ON WIKIMEDIA COMMONS
The more commonly known history—the one most college students will hear about in an Introduction to Criminal Justice course—is that American policing can trace its roots back to English policing. It’s true that centralized municipal police departments in America began to form in the early nineteenth century (Potter, 2013), beginning in Boston and subsequently established in New York City; Albany, New York; Chicago; Philadelphia; Newark, New Jersey; and Baltimore. As written by Professor Gary Potter (2013) of Eastern Kentucky University, by the late nineteenth century, all major American cities had a police force. This is the history that doesn’t make us feel bad.
While this narrative is correct, it only tells part of the story (Turner et al., 2006). Policing in southern slave-holding states followed a different trajectory—one that has roots in slave patrols of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and police enforcement of Jim Crow laws in the late nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. As per Professor Michael Robinson (2017) of the University of Georgia, the first deaths in America of Black men at the hands of law enforcement “can be traced back as early as 1619 when the first slave ship, a Dutch Man-of-War vessel landed in Point Comfort, Virginia.”
When a relationship begins like this, can citizen mistrust of police ever fully be overcome? Has policing as an institution evolved far enough away from its origins to warrant Black communities’ trust?
This article isn’t the first public discussion of the history of racism in policing. Indeed, racism in policing is officially acknowledged by the National Law Enforcement Museum. More famously, comedian Dave Chappelle did a bit about it at the Brooklyn club, the Knitting Factory, back in 2015. A piece about the issue, published by the author in 2019 in the scholarly magazine The Conversation, got a lot of traction after the death of George Floyd. As of this writing, over 240,000 people have read that article. The reactions to The Conversation article have varied from positive to negative. Some readers agreed or wrote that it confirmed what they already suspected. Others disagreed (“It’s [police/citizen relations] not much better for white people”) or tried to minimize feelings of guilt (“black Americans played a significant role in the slave trade! So there is lots of blame to go around”). A few annoyed readers took the time to send an email rather than simply posting a comment in the comment section. One email received simply said, “Your a moron.” (The author resisted the urge to reply that if the emailer wished to call the author a moron, then the emailer should use proper grammar.)
Why should there be hostility to simply reminding people of the history of events that already happened? After all, we—Americans—did this. Isn’t owning one’s actions the right thing to do, even if it makes us feel bad for a while? The ugly past should be revisited because there is still a problem with police/community relations with respect to African Americans.
How You Start: Slave Codes and Slave Patrols
Originating in Virginia and Maryland, the American slave codes defined slaves from Africa as property rather than as people (Robinson 2017); that is, without rights. American slave codes were rooted in the slave codes of Barbados. According to Dr. Robinson (2017), the British established the Barbadian Slave Codes (laws) “to justify the practice of slavery and legalize the planters’ inhumane treatment of their enslaved Africans.” American policing in the South would begin as an institution—slave patrols—responsible for enforcing those laws (Turner et al., 2006), as slave uprisings were a threat to the social order and a chronic fear of plantation owners.
The first slave patrols were founded in the southern United States, the Carolina colony specifically (Reichel, 1992), in the early 1700s. By the end of the century, every slave state had slave patrols. According to Dr. Potter (2013), slave patrols accomplished several goals: apprehending escaped slaves and returning them to their owners; unleashing terror to deter potential slave revolts; and disciplining slaves outside of the law for breaking plantation rules. Described by Turner et al. (2006), slave patrols were a “government-sponsored force [of about 10 people] that was well organized and paid to patrol specific areas to prevent crimes and insurrection by slaves against the white community” in the antebellum South. Without warrant or permission, slave patrols could enter the home of anyone—Black or white—suspected of sheltering escaped slaves. (In modern times, this would be a clear violation of the Fourth Amendment and constitute an illegal search.) After the Civil War ended, the slave patrols developed into southern police departments. Part of the early police’s post–Civil War duties was to monitor the behavior of newly freed slaves, many of whom, if not given their own land, ended up working on plantations owned by whites and to enforce segregation policies as per the era’s new Black Codes and Jim Crow laws.
The first Black Codes were passed in 1865, shortly after the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment outlawing slavery. The codes were laws that specified how, when, and where freed slaves could work and how much they would be paid. Essentially, the Black Codes maintained the de facto structure of slavery without formally calling it “slavery.” Other Black Codes restricted Blacks’ right to vote, dictated how and where they could travel, and where they could live. Because many ex-Confederate soldiers had transitioned to working in policing or elsewhere in the justice system (e.g., as judges), the justice system, including law enforcement, perpetuated the oppression of African Americans.
In the 1880s, new forms of Black Codes known as Jim Crow laws were enacted across southern states. In effect until 1965, these new laws prohibited Blacks and whites from sharing public spaces, such as schools, libraries, bathrooms, and restaurants. The hardships of life for African Americans in the Jim Crow South (Mississippi, specifically) are the focus of a recent book by Jim Sturkey, Hattiesburg: An American City in Black and White.Perhaps the most infamous image from this era is the separate but “equal” water fountain for white versus colored individuals, taken in 1950 by Elliot Erwitt in North Carolina (see here). Blacks who broke the law or violated norms during the Jim Crow period were often met with brutality at the hands of the police (Robinson, 2017).
Fast forward to the 1960s and the formal end of the Jim Crow era. The Voting Rights Act and the Civil Rights Act came during a decade of much social and political upheaval. Opposition to the Vietnam War and other protest movements—for civil rights, women’s rights, victims’ rights, prisoners’ rights—signaled that America had entered a new era of challenges to the status quo. In July 1964, civil rights activist Malcolm X would denounce what he called New York police’s “outright scare tactics” in responding to racial tensions in the city. During this time of upheaval, the police acted as enforcers of the status quo. It was no longer about quashing slave uprisings. Indeed, citizen protests and police response to those protests were not just happening in the former slave states but throughout the country. According to Dr. Victor Kappeler (2014) of Eastern Kentucky University, the police were now tasked with responding to anyone who pushed back against the existing social, political, and economic structure of America—which seemed to disadvantage the poor and people of color. During the summers of the late 1960s, race riots broke out in cities across the country, particularly in 1967 and after the 1968 assassination of civil rights leader Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. The police responded at times harshly to the riots using dogs, fire hoses, and tear gas.
As an aside, it is worth mentioning that policing isn’t alone in the criminal justice system in having an issue with institutional racism and discrimination. Other parts of the system—including courts and corrections—are also affected. Two words: wrongful conviction. Ava DuVernay’s excellent Netflix miniseries When They See Us portrays the heartbreaking ordeal of the men—Korey Wise, Kevin Richardson, Raymond Santana, Antron McCray, and Yusef Salaam—known as the Central Park Five. Decades earlier came the wrongful conviction of teenagers known as the Scottsboro Boys. They were also falsely accused of raping two white women. These are not isolated incidents.
How We Finish?
For the record, the point of this article is not to assert that individual police officers are racist. The author has friends, family, and students in law enforcement who are good, ethical people and who view their primary job as to protect and serve the public. When speaking with police officer friends and family members in the wake of George Floyd’s death, the word that came up most often was “disgusting” (how Floyd died). The point is that the overall institution had a terrible start in some (not all) aspects, for which there has never been a reckoning. Perhaps if policing—and the justice system more broadly—had done a better job of reconciling with its racist past, there wouldn’t be calls currently to defund the police.
There have been some improvements. There is greater awareness of the need to have a more diverse police force. There is also more understanding among police of the importance of handling citizens with care; and that brutality—particularly lethal force—against citizens can lead to citizen mistrust of police and community outrage. There are calls for police to wear body cameras to monitor police behavior so as to reduce police abuse of their power by increasing transparency of police behavior. (Studies [e.g., Hedberg et al., 2017] on the effectiveness of body-worn cameras show mixed results. See, for example.) Groups like Blacks in Law Enforcement of America and 100 Blacks in Law Enforcement Who Care (“100 Blacks”) now exist and have a voice as well as a social media presence. Police departments nationwide are more diverse, including the hiring of more Blacks, Hispanics, and women, although there is room for improvement. In the past 10 years, the rise of technology, like smartphones, and social media platforms, like YouTube and Facebook, have empowered citizens to capture real-time video of police encounters. The author is cautiously optimistic that the institution of policing is evolving away from the racially oppressive part of its roots.
Yet, issues remain, such as racial profiling (Meehan & Ponder, 2002). In New York City, police stop-and-frisk practices have been the subject of a recent federal lawsuit that found them to be unconstitutional in that they unfairly target Blacks and Hispanics. A new study by Stanford University researchers of 100 million traffic stops nationwide found evidence of racial profiling by officers in stopping drivers (Pierson et al., 2020
✎ EditSign
). The researchers found that Black and Hispanic drivers were stopped and searched more frequently than were white drivers, but this drops after sunset when the driver’s race is harder to spot from a police car.
How far we have come, how far we have yet to go.
dviss1
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It's UGLY AND WEIRD AS FUCK to stop and get video of you playing ball with kids in your uniform, only to turn around and KILL one 5 years later...
dviss1
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Fallacy. Over 60 PPD officers have quit their jobs. More should follow.
The other fallacy is that they keep us safe. They most CERTAINLY do not. They protect RICH people's property.
They CERTAINLY don't prevent crime.
As of July 31st this country has had 411 mass shootings. How many have police prevented?
The PPD has INCREASED their budget by 100 Million per year in the last 11 years. Simultaneously we cut our school budgets left and right.
They say they can't even afford body cams. NO, we can't afford to pay for the ACTUAL programs that DO prevent crime.
Houseless people are the most effected by police. They DO NOT need the people who can apply lethal force. THEY NEED HOUSING....
James Chasse, WHITE MAN, Schizophrenic was killed by police for urinating on the street.
Where was he supposed to go?? Had he a pot to piss in and a window to throw it out of this WHITE MAN, would still be alive.
Police do not help! The do not protect. They do serve though... Their corporate masters...
dviss1
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NO god NO... I too used to believe we should pay them more, until I did some research.
They already make enough money. Lots of them are making well over 100K per year oppressing us.
I personally saw with my own eyes Sgt Brett Taylor slash an innocent bystander's tires. Like literally walk up, pull out his knife in broad nightlight, and stab all 4 tires. We pay him 133K per year to slash tires...
This year it's over $258 Million. Look at this shit. Then they simultaneously say they have no money for body cams:
Last edited:
Orion Bailey
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it think the parents used their phone and video taped. Not sure the same cops in the video i saw killed a kid five years later though? Not sure if we are speaking of the same video?
Phatguysrule
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100k per year is a respectable salary. If we upped the standard a police officer who behaves that way would be fired (or never hired in the first place).
I have no problem at all paying responsible, professional, and effective police $150k per year.
dviss1
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I'm speaking about in general. As a father of a black child, when does this amazing boy change from bright, generous spirit to threat?
dviss1
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There are no good cops in a racist system. If Black people make up 6% of Portland's population, how the hell do we make up 52% of it's traffic stops?
How are we 4x more likely to be taken out of our vehicles in a situation that doesn't require it?
Racism...
They don't need to make more. 100K is more than enough to pay them to oppress me.
dviss1
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Police don't need to be called for half of the things they're called for. Minor traffic stops are a form of broken windows policing.
Police aren't needed for expired registration stops and a host of other minor things solved by DMV paperwork.
Tigard police? Look up the story of Luke Glenn. They killed him while he was having a mental health episode. He was threatening suicide.
I also think that's complete bull that they say they don't come out to calls for assistance.
That's a blatant lie. Don't fall for that bullshit rhetoric...
And that whole "play the race card" bullshit needs to stop. White people play that AS a card to deflect against real racial issues and to continue to NEVER to listen to black people when they say racism is happening.
That is a damn card too...
Last edited:
Orion Bailey
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never. I know a couple cops who would say the same and they don't need to know you like i do.
dviss1
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Utter bullshit. The numbers don't back you bro...
dviss1
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What really gets me is how y'all "act like" you don't get it. You know FULL WELL none of you would trade the way you are treated generally in society for how black people are. Just keep it real...
Just like conservatives don't want any Afghanistan refugees here because they are afraid one might be a terrorist, I'm afraid of being pulled over by a police officer because I don't know which one is gonna be the next murderer to get off scot free.
Less than 1% of police are convicted for killing and they're killing people that look like me with impunity...
Just like conservatives don't want any Afghanistan refugees here because they are afraid one might be a terrorist, I'm afraid of being pulled over by a police officer because I don't know which one is gonna be the next murderer to get off scot free.
Less than 1% of police are convicted for killing and they're killing people that look like me with impunity...
Phatguysrule
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Paying them less will make them more likely to be oppressive. If you want quality people you have to offer quality pay. You want to pay police to be respectful and professional it's going to cost more than needing a bunch of overtime to earn $100k per year. $100k isn't much anymore...
dviss1
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Bro... They make well over 120K right now.
dviss1
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I'm a referee (basketball judge/jury/executioner). You cannot get me on any floor for less than $30 per hr, and that's a middle school game.
College games I make well over $180 per hr. I know the value of a check and making sure you earn it while not fucking up to lose it.
You call a bad Tech, that could easily be your contract getting revoked. Fact. I'm well aware that you get what you pay for.
But right now in our country we spend the most on police and war.
We are NOT getting a proper return on investment.
RR7
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Grew up on the south side of Chicago. Pretty racist suburb bordered on 3 sides by the city. First year out of college, worked with a guy who would have his white friend/co-worker drive his car for him 2 blocks, just 2 blocks! to cross in to Chicago, then get out and switch driving, because he knew he was likely to get pulled over in that 2 block stretch and be harassed. Was sickening to know that that was the case then. Felt bad for the guy. Just a young black kid, little older than me, but knew damn well he was likely to get pulled over in that small stretch.
I didn't every worry about shit like that growing up. I paid it no mind. Did what I wanted, drove where I wanted. Even in the "bad neighborhoods" on the south side. That's privilege. Knew it at the time. Know it even more now.
dviss1
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EVERY SINGLE Cop should be FLUENT in American Sign Language too.
US police shoot deaf man 'ignoring commands'
deaf man has been shot and killed by Oklahoma City police officers as he approached them holding a metal pipe.
The two officers did not hear neighbors shouting "he can't hear you", before opening fire, police captain Bo Mathews said.
Magdiel Sanchez, 35, was fatally shot on Tuesday evening as police were investigating a hit and run.
The shooting is being investigated by city homicide detectives to determine if it was legally justified.
"In those situations, very volatile situations, you have a weapon out, you can get what they call tunnel vision," Cpt Mathews said, adding that Sanchez was about 15 ft (4.5m) away when both officers fired their weapons simultaneously.
Eight-year veteran Sgt Christopher Barnes fired his handgun at the same exact moment Lt Matthew Lindsey fired a Taser, witnesses told police.
"You can really lock in to just the person that has the weapon that'd be the threat against you," Cpt Mathews added, explaining why officers did not respond to the shouts of about a half dozen bystanders screaming that Sanchez was deaf.
image captionThe shooting happened around 20:15 local time, according to the police report
The 2ft (0.6m) pipe that Sanchez was holding as he sat on his porch was initially described to officers as a stick.
Neighbours say that Sanchez, who was non-verbal, would use the pipe and his hands to communicate and also to protect against stray dogs near his home where he lived with his father.
Sanchez's father, who drove the hit and run vehicle, later confirmed that his son was deaf.
Police say the victim had no known criminal history.
Sgt Barnes, who fired his handgun, has been placed on administrative leave, pending an investigation. The first officer on scene, Lt Lindsey, will remain on active duty. Neither officer was wearing a body camera.
This is not the first shooting to draw attention to Oklahoma police in recent years.
In a 2015 a Tulsa volunteer deputy shot a man who had already been subdued. The officer, who received a four-year sentence, claimed that he attempted to fire his Taser but mistakenly used his pistol.
In May a white policewoman was acquitted of shooting an unarmed black man whose hands were raised in the air at the time.
RR7
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Wish I had the nerve at the time, the knowledge, the...I dunno what to be more vocal at the time. Even if it was just riding with him.
I try to call out instances I catch now. Even small things like leaving Fred Meyer, and not getting asked to show my receipt for unbagged items, but the black guy in front of me got stopped. Will ask the person/call them out every time. Hey, why didn't you ask me? Why did you ask them for their receipt? Make them feel uncomfortable, call out their bias. Recognizing it is the first step to changing it. I try. But I'm not perfect either. I just know I'm way better than I was 20 years ago, and striving to get better every day.
dviss1
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Fallacy man.. Damn... Minor traffic stops are things like registration expiration NOT speeding... You're projecting now bro... C'mon....
dviss1
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Really quickly @SlyPokerDog, it's not a dog whistle if you can hear it from the mountaintops...
I don't know who erased my post calling this racist but it's the fact that this RACIST shit gets to remain but the person calling it out gets censored...
This is that bullshit Sly... Most of the racist shit that continues to happen in this country is because racists are being protected and given cover...
That's the whole thing about not teaching CRT in schools... Racists want cover...
I frankly don't believe in the erasure of posts. Let the MFs stay so people can see people's true colors...
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Phatguysrule
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Yep. I agree 100%.
Phatguysrule
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That's not their base salary, as far as I can tell. They are encouraged to work overtime by handing out citations, etc.
We want them to be better. Meaning we'll have to up the level of scrutiny and accountability and offset that by increasing the compensation somehow. This is how you get the shitty ones out and replace them with a more qualified and professional force.
https://www.joinportlandpolice.com/wages-benefits
dviss1
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There is so much ignorance in this post...
It COMPLETELY ignores the fact that Ex servicemen should never be police officers.
Being a police officer you see the worst situations that you cannot unsee. I guarantee you most cops have some sort of PTSD.
ESPECIALLY those coming back from war. Why the hell do you want ex warriors with PTSD patrolling our streets? The fuck???
I would have a strict law AGAINST ex service people being able to become police.
You should also have to have a 4 year policing degree (create one we have fucking sculpting degrees in this country) to become a police officer.
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